CHAIN OF COMMAND: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib Seymour M. Hersh David Remnick (Intro.) New York: HarperCollins, 2004 |
Rating: 5.0 High |
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ISBN-13 978-0-06-019591-5 | ||||
ISBN 0-06-019591-6 | 416p. | HC | $25.95 |
This book probes the origins and aftermaths of two recent events momentous both for America and for the world at large: the terrorist attacks of 9/11/2001 on America; and the unilateral conquest and occupation by America of Saddam Hussein's Iraq. These events are linked primarily by American president George W. Bush's response to the former, and every American should understand the nature of that linkage. Incidents surrounding the war, notably the treatment of prisoners at "Gitmo" (the U.S. military prison at Guantánamo Bay), the torture episodes at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, and Valerie Plame's exposure as a CIA operative, have become political hot potatoes for this president — and the war itself is rapidly becoming one as well.
Seymour Hersh is the reporter1 who, on 14 November 1969, broke the story of the My Lai massacre in which 500 women, children, and elderly men were shot by U.S. troops at a hamlet in Viet Nam. This book, based on a series of articles he did for The New Yorker, shows that he has not lost his nose for news, his ability to carry out exhaustive research — or his well-placed sources. It is a hard-hitting book, and the hitting starts two pages in, where Hersh tells us how a high-level CIA analyst visiting Guantánamo decided that the U.S. was committing war crimes on the "enemy combatants" held there. The analyst's report concluded that the wrong people were being questioned in the wrong way, and that the whole operation was making things worse for the U.S. in its "war on terror". Like many other warnings, dissenting opinions, and proposed alternatives, it made little difference in the conduct of the war. That war, whether in Iraq or Afghanistan, was characterized by acceptance of mis- or dis-information, ignorance at high-command levels of events in the field, persistent rejection by Defense Secretary Rumsfeld of reports that the evidence he built the case for war on was bogus, and meddling by him in the logistics of the pre-war buildup.
This is a difficult book to read. First, Hersh does not mince words in describing problems such as the mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib; it behooves the reader to have a strong stomach. Second, these are complex situations, with many organizations and a host of players participating; concentration is required. Third, it will probably cause outrage. Still, I recommend everyone to take a crack at it, even if you have to skip the graphic descriptions. It is one of the newest members of a short list of books that truly deserve to be called "important" — books such as Halberstam's The Best and the Brightest or Frances Fitzgerald's Fire in the Lake. It is fragmentary account, as a collection of independent articles is wont to be, and it is not the latest word on the complex situation. But it is very thoroughly researched. And, as someone said, it is the closest thing we have right now to a definitive treatment.
There are some typographical errors, but relatively few for a book of this length. Also, I noted at some places (e.g. pages 46-49) a tendency for Hersh to inject unsupported conclusions. For example, he writes on page 49, "The tough tactics appealed to Rumsfeld and his senior civilian aides, however." and on page 51, "Cambone [Stephen Cambone, undersecretary of defense for intelligence] was a strong advocate for war against Iraq. He chafed, as did Rumsfeld, at the C.I.A.'s inability, before the Iraq war, to state conclusively that Saddam Hussein harbored weapons of mass destruction." I have no doubt that these assessments are correct; I merely think Hersh could have provided more supporting documentation.
Hersh ends his work with an Epilogue that explores some still unanswered questions and is a searing indictment of George W. Bush. It closes with these words (Pages 366-7):
We have a President who could spend months terrorizing the nation with dire warnings about mushroom clouds emanating from Saddam Hussein's arsenal and then could say, as he did in a campaign speech in August of 2004, that it didn't matter: "We may still find weapons," Bush said. "We haven't found them yet. . . . Let me just say this to you: knowing what I do today, we still would have gone into Iraq." We have a President who can stand aside as the dogs of war are turned loose on prisoners and then declare, as he did in June 2004, that "America stands against and will not tolerate torture. We will investigate and prosecute all acts of torture and undertake to prevent other cruel and unusual punishment in all territory under our jurisdiction" and that "freedom from torture is an inalienable human right." There are many who believe George Bush is a liar, a President who knowingly and deliberately twists facts for political gain. But lying would require an understanding of what is desired, what is possible, and how best to get there. A more plausible explanation is that words have no meaning for this President beyond the immediate moment, and so he believes that his mere utterance of the phrases makes them real. It is a terrifying possibility. |