PRETENSIONS TO EMPIRE: Notes on the Criminal Folly of the Bush Administration Lewis Lapham New York: The New Press, 2006 |
Rating: 5.0 High |
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ISBN-13 978-1-59558-112-9 | ||||
ISBN-10 1-59558-112-X | 288pp. | HC | $24.95 |
President Bush's approval rating has fallen to an all-time low (28% in April 2008); no other administration has had a worse rating. Of course, presidents can be unpopular without committing "high crimes and misdemeanors." But there is a good case for bringing Bush up on charges. A grass-roots movement for impeachment has arisen as a result. One site registers over a million votes in favor.
More importantly, there's been much discussion of this matter in the House, which must assemble Articles of Impeachment and present them to the Senate. Congressman Dennis Kucinich (D-OH) introduced a resolution to impeach Cheney and is said to be working on a new version, of 300 pages. However, House Speaker Pelosi has taken impeachment "off the table."
There has also been action on the state and local levels. A handful of states, including New Hampshire, Vermont, New Mexico, Missouri, Washington, California, Illinois and Minnesota, have introduced impeachment resolutions. Residents of Brattleboro and Marlboro, both in Vermont, voted to have Bush and Cheney arrested and indicted if they set foot in either town. A long-shot U.S. Senate candidate, Laurie Dobson, is pushing a similar initiative in her hometown of Kennebunkport, Maine.
The administration's actions motivating those calling for impeachment of President Bush (and, moreso, of Vice President Cheney) can be divided into ten categories:
These actions have had additional detrimental effects: diminishing America's reputation abroad; complicating relations with allies; increasing the numbers of radical Islamists. These detriments are harder to quantify, and are in some cases arguable. And although it's impossible to prove, there is good reason to believe that the administration cheated in some elections, or at least condoned such cheating.
A host of specifications underlies these charges. I can only list a few of them here. A prime example is disclosing the covert status of a CIA operative. Related to that is the selective use of intelligence to justify the war in Iraq, an abuse that can be laid on Dick Cheney's doorstep. The subversion of science was widespread and persistent; it can be seen in the way ideologues and industry lobbyists were brought in to stack advisory panels, or to water down scientific reports. Fiscal irresponsibility includes lowballing the cost of the war in advance, and firing those who made more realistic estimates; but it also includes misrepresenting the budgetary impact of the prescription drug benefit. Noteworthy aspects of mismanaging the occupation are the provision of too few troops, which led to the looting and burning of many ministry buildings in Baghdad as well as theft of everything from cultural treasures to firearms and munitions to radioactive waste drums. The occupation authority also blundered by shutting down the Iraqi army, throwing thousands of young men out of work. With too much time on their hands, and too many weapons in them, those young men turned to factional strife.
Rolling back environmental protections was also widespread, but nowhere can it be seen more clearly than in the administration's stonewalling, not only of measures to forestall global warming, but even in denial of the very existence of the phenomenon that scientists worldwide had been documenting for decades. This denial was aided and abetted by conservative "think tanks", financed by major energy corporations.
As for international agreements, Bush withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and put the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty under review. As well, he had the Justice Department go to great lengths in concocting a dubious rationale for ducking the Geneva Conventions. His motivation was the quest to obtain information from terrorists. This same motivation led him to ignore the laws of this country, conducting warrantless wiretaps despite the grace period allowed by the FISA Court.
As I noted, Lapham devotes his last chapter to making the case for impeaching President Bush. Below I present some findings from Lapham's book on voting irregularities, the Medicare Drug Benefit, and resources available to conservative think tanks and foundations. I also present his observations on and the Bush administration version of science and the quality of its moral values.
Pages 161-162
The principal author of the legislation, Thomas A. Scully, set about the task of writing it in June of last year [2003], while he was employed as the federal administrator of Medicare. At the same time he expressed the wish to enter the private sector, putting his services up for auction to five high-priced Washington influence brokers representing the insurance companies, the drug manufacturers, and the health-maintenance organizations. Eight days after the happiness in Constitution Hall, Scully resigned his government post to await bids for his tour guide's knowledge of the small print that allots as little money as possible to individual citizens and as much money as possible to the vested commercial interests. Although the government must provide drugs to 40 million people, it may not negotiate a bulk discount; it must pay whatever price the manufacturer sets or asks—prices that in the recent past have been rising at a rate of 12 percent a year. The legislation forbids the importing of less expensive drugs from Canada, prohibits beneficiaries from buying supplemental insurance for drugs unacknowledged by Medicare, reduces or eliminates payments to as many as 6 million people for whom Medicaid now defrays at least some of their prescription costs, declares a suspension of payment at precisely the point when most people might need the most help. An annual premium of $420 covers 75 percent of drug expenditures up to $2,250; from that point upward the beneficiary must pay, with his or her own money, 100 percent of the next $3,600 in costs; once the expenditures reach a total of $5,850, the government pays 95 percent of the subsequent bill. The actuarial tables assume that relatively few people can afford (or will live long enough) to pay the toll on the bridge across the river of public money flowing out of Washington into the privately owned catch basins of the medical-industrial complex. As a further means of implementing the shift of the nation's health-care burden from the public to the private sector, the legislation offers various inducements to the life-enhancing profit motive:
– Pages 79-80 |
Table from page 4, based on research by Rob Stein. Values in millions, rounded to nearest whole number. | |
The Bradley Foundation | 584 |
Smith Richardson Foundation | 494 |
Scaife Family (four foundations) | 478 |
Earhart Foundation | 84 |
John M. Olin Foundation | 71 |
Koch Family (Three Foundations) | 68 |
Castle Rock (Coors) Foundation | 50 |
JM Foundation | 25 |
Philip M. McKenna Foundation | 17 |
Table from page 11, based on research by Rob Stein. Values in millions. | |
The Heritage Foundation | 33.0 |
American Enterprise Institute | 25.0 |
Hoover Institution | 25.0 |
Cato Institute | 17.6 |
Hudson Institute | 7.8 |
Manhattan Institute | 7.2 |
Citizens for a Sound Economy | 5.4 |
Reason Foundation | 4.9 |
National Center for Policy Analysis | 4.7 |
Competitive Enterprise Institute | 3.2 |
Free Congress Foundation | 2.7 |
Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis | 2.5 |
The American democracy depends for its existence on the force of reason and the uses of experiment, and if I read correctly the report from the Union of Concerned Scientists, the signatories find fault with the Republican college of augurs in Washington not for a single error (or even a multiple choice of errors) but for its rejection of the scientific method in favor of the conviction that if the science doesn't prove what it's been told to prove, then the science has been tampered with by Satan or the Democratic Party. – Page 105 |
I don't doubt that the country is as rich in moral values as it is in apple trees, but I'm never sure that I know what the phrase means, or how it has come to be associated with the Republican Party, the Santa Fe Trail, or the war in Iraq. How is it moral for the President of the United States to ask a young American soldier to do him the service of dying in Fallujah in order that he might secure for himself a second term in the White House? Why is it moral to deny medical care to 40 million people who can't pay the loan-shark prices demanded by the insurance companies but to allow 12 million American families to go hungry in the winter? What is moral about an administration that never goes before a microphone to which it doesn't tell a lie? – Page 159 |
Most commentators agree there is a strong legal case for impeachment. This view is bolstered by the amount of serious discussion it has received in the House. Three years of polling and the growth of grassroots organizations calling for impeachment show there is strong support for it. However, as ACLU President Nadine Strossman and liberal columnist Michael Tomasky have said, impeachment is a bad idea. Tomasky stresses the difficulty of getting a two-thirds majority in the Senate and the likely political repercussions against the Democrats, while Strossman points out that Congress is complicit in many matters, such as the vote to approve Bush's use of force in Iraq. Also, the Bush administration controls most of the evidence, and has apparently destroyed some already: e-mail records relating to the firings of U.S. attorneys and videotapes of terrorist interrogations. For this reason, and because it would be incredibly divisive during wartime, the Democratic Congress has chosen not to push for a trial. As much as I relish the thought of seeing the administration brought up short, I have to agree.
Anyone wanting the full story on efforts to impeach Bush and Cheney can, with diligence, find it through this excellent (if long) Wikipedia article and the links it provides: Movement to impeach George W. Bush